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Axis powers - Wikipedia. Flags of Germany, Japan, and Italy draping the facade of the Embassy of Japan on the Tiergartenstraße (Zoo Street) in Berlin (September 1. The signing of the Tripartite Pact by Germany, Japan, and Italy on 2.

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September 1. 94. 0 in Berlin. Seated from left to right are the Japanese ambassador to Germany Saburō Kurusu, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs Galeazzo Ciano, and Adolf Hitler. The Axis powers (German: Achsenmächte, Italian: Potenze dell'Asse , Japanese: 枢軸国Sūjikukoku), also known as the Axis and the Rome–Berlin–Tokyo Axis, were the nations that fought in World War II against the Allied forces.

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The Axis powers agreed on their opposition to the Allies, but did not completely coordinate their activity. The Axis grew out of the diplomatic efforts of Germany, Italy, and Japan to secure their own specific expansionist interests in the mid- 1. The first step was the treaty signed by Germany and Italy in October 1. Benito Mussolini declared on 1 November that all other European countries would from then on rotate on the Rome–Berlin axis, thus creating the term "Axis".[1][2] The almost simultaneous second step was the signing in November 1. Anti- Comintern Pact, an anti- communist treaty between Germany and Japan. Italy joined the Pact in 1. The "Rome–Berlin Axis" became a military alliance in 1.

Pact of Steel", with the Tripartite Pact of 1. Germany, Italy and Japan. Watch Big Easy Express Streaming. At its zenith during World War II, the Axis presided over territories that occupied large parts of Europe, North Africa, and East Asia. There were no three- way summit meetings and cooperation and coordination was minimal, with a bit more between Germany and Italy. The war ended in 1. Axis powers and the dissolution of their alliance. As in the case of the Allies, membership of the Axis was fluid, with some nations switching sides or changing their degree of military involvement over the course of the war.

Origins and creation[edit]The term "axis" was first applied to the Italo- German relationship by the Italian prime minister Benito Mussolini in September 1. Roberto Suster's Germania Repubblica that "there is no doubt that in this moment the axis of European history passes through Berlin" (non v'ha dubbio che in questo momento l'asse della storia europea passa per Berlino).[3] At the time he was seeking an alliance with the Weimar Republic against Yugoslavia and France in the dispute over the Free State of Fiume.[4]The term was used by Hungary's prime minister Gyula Gömbös when advocating an alliance of Hungary with Germany and Italy in the early 1. Gömbös' efforts did affect the Italo- Hungarian Rome Protocols, but his sudden death in 1.

Germany in Munich and the arrival of Kálmán Darányi, his successor, ended Hungary's involvement in pursuing a trilateral axis. Contentious negotiations between the Italian foreign minister, Galeazzo Ciano, and the German ambassador, Ulrich von Hassell, resulted in a Nineteen- Point Protocol, signed by Ciano and his German counterpart, Konstantin von Neurath, in 1. When Mussolini publicly announced the signing on 1 November, he proclaimed the creation of a Rome–Berlin axis.[4]Initial proposals of a German–Italian alliance[edit]Italy under Duce. Benito Mussolini had pursued a strategic alliance of Italy with Germany against France since the early 1. Prior to becoming head of government in Italy as leader of the Italian Fascist movement, Mussolini had advocated alliance with recently defeated Germany after the Paris Peace Conference of 1.

World War I.[6] He believed that Italy could expand its influence in Europe by allying with Germany against France.[6] In early 1. Germany, Italy secretly delivered weapons for the German Army, which had faced major disarmament under the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles.[6]Gustav Stresemann, Reich Chancellor of the German People, 1. Germany, 1. 92. 3–1. In September 1. 92. Mussolini offered German Chancellor Gustav Stresemann a "common policy": he sought German military support against potential French military intervention over Italy's diplomatic dispute with Yugoslavia over Fiume, should an Italian seizure of Fiume result in war between Italy and Yugoslavia. The German ambassador to Italy in 1.

Mussolini saw a nationalist Germany as an essential ally for Italy against France, and hoped to tap into the desire within the German army and the German political right for a war of revenge against France.[6]During the Weimar Republic, the German government did not respect the Treaty of Versailles that it had been pressured to sign, and various government figures at the time rejected Germany's post- Versailles borders. General Hans von Seeckt (head of the Reichswehr command from 1. Germany and the Soviet Union to invade and partition Poland between them and restore the German- Russian border of 1. Gustav Streseman as German foreign minister in 1.

Poland and Danzig in the Treaty of Versailles was a major task of German foreign policy.[7] The Reichswehr Ministry memorandum of 1. German territory lost to Poland as its first priority, to be followed by the return of the Saar territory, the annexation of Austria, and remilitarization of the Rhineland.[7]Since the 1. Italy had identified the year 1. France, as 1. 93. Germany's obligations under the Treaty of Versailles were scheduled to expire.[8]Meetings took place in Berlin in 1. Italian General Luigi Capello and prominent figures in the German military, such as von Seeckt and Erich Ludendorff, over military collaboration between Germany and Italy. The discussions concluded that Germans still wanted a war of revenge against France but were short on weapons and hoped that Italy could assist Germany.[9]However at this time Mussolini stressed one important condition that Italy must pursue in an alliance with Germany: that Italy "must ..

Italian foreign minister Dino Grandi in the early 1. Italy's relations between France and Germany, in which he recognized that Italy was not yet a major power, but perceived that Italy did have strong enough influence to alter the political situation in Europe by placing the weight of its support onto one side or another.[1. However Grandi stressed that Italy must seek to avoid becoming a "slave of the rule of three" in order to pursue its interests, arguing that although substantial Italo- French tensions existed, Italy would not unconditionally commit itself to an alliance with Germany, just as it would neither unconditionally commit itself to an alliance with France over conceivable Italo- German tensions.[1. Grandi's attempts to maintain a diplomatic balance between France and Germany were challenged in 1.

French, who had begun to prepare an alliance with Britain and the United States against the threat of a revanchist Germany.[1. The French government warned Italy that it had to choose whether to be on the side of the pro- Versailles powers or that of the anti- Versailles revanchists.[1. Grandi responded that Italy would be willing to offer France support against Germany if France gave Italy its mandate over Cameroon and allowed Italy a free hand in Ethiopia.[1. France refused Italy's proposed exchange for support, as it believed Italy's demands were unacceptable and the threat from Germany was not yet immediate.[1. On 2. 3 October 1. Mussolini declared support for a Four Power Directorate that included Britain, France, Germany, and Italy, to bring about an orderly treaty revision outside of what he considered the outmoded League of Nations.[1.